Moscow Blames Outside Forces

Posted By: Ajay Rawat Posted On: Oct 30, 2023

Russia on Monday blamed “external interference” and singled out Ukraine for a riot in Muslim-majority Dagestan, which saw crowds of angry men overrunning an airport as they looked for Israeli and Jewish passengers.

The mob descended onto Makhachkala airport Sunday evening, barging through barriers and taking over the runway, in an attempt to encircle a plane that had flown in from Israel.

Authorities said 60 people had been arrested, suspected of violently storming the airport and seeking to attack Jews.

The airport reopened Monday, but authorities reported some damage and an airline said its flights to Israel in the coming days were cancelled.

The Kremlin announced President Vladimir Putin will gather top advisers and spy chiefs later Monday to discuss the “West's attempts to use the events in the Middle East to split Russian society.”

Moscow also accused Ukraine — which it has been fighting for more than 20 months — of orchestrating the riot.

Russia regularly blames domestic unrest on external — usually Western — forces.

“Yesterday's events at Makhachkala airport are, to a large extent, the result of external interference,” Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told reporters.

“Against the backdrop of TV footage showing the horrors of what is happening in the Gaza Strip — the deaths of people, children, old people, it is very easy for enemies to take advantage of and provoke the situation,” Peskov told reporters on Monday.

Russia's foreign ministry later singled out Kyiv.

“The criminal Kyiv regime played a direct and key role in carrying out the latest destructive act,” Russia's foreign affairs spokeswoman Maria Zakharova said.

There was no immediate reaction from Kyiv to the allegations and Ukraine's foreign ministry did not immediately respond to an AFP request to comment.

– Sow discord :

Russia's Orthodox leader Patriarch Kirill also saw outside interference, condemning the violence as a bid to “sow discord” between Russia's Jews and Muslims.

“I have no doubt that forces who provoked this incident will stop at nothing to cause disorder in our country,” the powerful cleric and Kremlin ally said.

The same day of the airport riot, Russian state media reported that a Jewish centre in another North Caucasus region — Kabardino-Balkaria — was set on fire.

The mountainous North Caucasus has had a Jewish community for centuries.

The day after the riot, AFP saw a police car with several officers outside Makhachkala's synagogue.

The violence also prompted Israel to call on Russia to protect its citizens and Jews.

Outside a Moscow synagogue, people were shaken but unsurprised by the events, given rising global tensions over the conflict between Israel and Hamas.

“Political events should not set fire to our common home,” Ariel Razbegayev, the 37-year-old director of the Moscow Choral Synagogue, told AFP.

Prominent figures in Dagestan have spoken in support of Palestine and against Israel since the October 7 Hamas attacks on Israel.

– Stab in the back :

Rumours spread on Sunday that a Telegram channel owned by a former Russian lawmaker who now lives in Ukraine, Ilya Ponomarev, was behind the protests.

He has previously provided financial support to the Telegram channel called Utro Dagestan (Dagestan Morning) which called for protests at the airport on Sunday, independent media had reported.

Russia's foreign ministry said Kyiv had used Ponomarev — granted Ukrainian citizenship in 2019 — to orchestrate the protests, accusing its enemy of “information-sabotage.”

Ponomarev's spokesperson has not responded to AFP requests for comment.

The governor of Dagestan, Sergei Melikov, was also quick to find a Ukrainian trace.

He said the riots were instigated by social media posts from Utro Dagestan, run by “traitors” working from Ukraine.

He called the riot a “stab in the back” of Dagestani soldiers fighting in Ukraine.

According to independent reports, Dagestan has sent proportionately more men to fight in Ukraine than many ethnic Russian regions.

He called on his people not to succumb to “provocations” over events in Israel and Gaza.

“All Dagestanis empathise with the suffering of victims by the actions of unrighteous people and politicians and pray for peace in Palestine,” he said, vowing punishment:

“But what happened at our airport is outrageous and should receive the appropriate assessment from law enforcement.”

Source: News18
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A Chinese opera star’s ode to Russia—from a Ukrainian bomb site

Posted By: Ajay Rawat Posted On: Nov 15, 2023
(Photo: Reddit)

It looked like a spontaneous tribute to Russia. Standing in the bombed-out shell of a theatre in the Ukrainian city of Mariupol, a Chinese opera singer, Wang Fang, belted out a Soviet-era ballad (pictured). In March last year many Ukrainian civilians were killed in a Russian attack on the building. So when a video of the 38-year-old’s performance this month circulated online, it sparked a furore. Unlike their government, some Chinese people prefer to side with Ukraine.

To be sure, there are many Chinese who back Russia. News of the latest manifestation of China-Russia friendship—a meeting in Vladivostok between Russia's leader, Vladimir Putin, and a deputy prime minister from China, Zhang Guoqing—was greeted with typical applause on China's heavily censored social media. Mr Putin told his guest that relations between the two countries had reached a level “unprecedented" in history. Mr Zhang said political co-operation was “deepening".

But supporters of Ukraine still find their voices. At least briefly, before censors began scrubbing references to her singing, Ms Wang's appearance in Russian-controlled Mariupol gave them an opportunity to speak out. On Weibo, a Twitter-like service, some users were quick to attack her choice of venue for singing such a song. “Katyusha", as it is known, was used to inspire Soviet troops going to battle with the Germans during the second world war. It conveys a woman's love for her boyfriend on the front. Russia portrays its invasion of Ukraine as another anti-Nazi campaign. Chinese state media echo this line.

Some of Ms Wang's critics have large followings and, therefore, much to lose should their accounts be shut down—a common form of punishment by censors. One is a retired professor living in Xinjiang, a far-western region. He told his 137,000 followers that Ms Wang would “be nailed to the pillar of shame in history". Another Weibo user, with nearly 1m followers, accused her of being “simply out of her mind". Similar attacks were levelled at Ms Wang after she defended her visit to Mariupol at a press conference in Moscow alongside her husband, Zhou Xiaoping. Mr Zhou is an adviser to China's parliament and a prominent nationalist blogger. He was praised in 2014 by China's leader, Xi Jinping, for spreading “positive energy".

Out of tune

Ukraine has reacted angrily, too. On Facebook a spokesman for its foreign ministry called Ms Wang's singing in the theatre “an example of complete moral degradation". He said her visit to Mariupol, along with others from China, was “illegal" and all members of the group would be banned from entering Ukraine. He also said he expected an explanation from China about the group's trip. In contrast, Denis Pushilin, the Russian-backed leader of Donetsk, the province to which Mariupol belongs, met the visitors and described Ms Wang's singing in the theatre as “touching". Russia has implausibly accused Ukrainian extremists of blowing up the building, where hundreds were taking shelter.

China's foreign ministry is keeping quiet about the incident. For all its cosiness with Mr Putin, China calls itself a neutral observer of the war and wants to earn kudos for helping to end hostilities (though its peace proposal does not demand Russia's withdrawal from Ukraine). China is even talking to the Vatican, with which it does not have diplomatic relations, about ways to resolve the conflict. The pope has sent a senior envoy on a rare official visit to Beijing to discuss the topic.

In a post on Weibo, Hu Xijin, a well-known pro-government commentator, reflected what Chinese officials are probably thinking. He told his nearly 25m followers that Ms Wang's behaviour risked creating a “sense of involvement" in the conflict among Chinese people, which is “not in accordance with reality and not what China needs". The war in Ukraine is “not China's war", said Mr Hu, who is a former editor-in-chief of Global Times, a nationalist tabloid in Beijing. For good measure, censors deleted Mr Hu's post too. Clearly they want to shut down debate entirely.

Subscribers can sign up to Drum Tower, our new weekly newsletter, to understand what the world makes of China—and what China makes of the world.

© 2023, The Economist Newspaper Limited. All rights reserved. From The Economist, published under licence. The original content can be found on www.economist.com

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From Gaza to Ukraine

Posted By: Pawan George Posted On: Nov 14, 2023
The Israel-Hamas war threatens to spread across the Middle East, with the US and Iran facing off in the background (Photo: Reuters)

These are not happy times. An Israel-Hamas war in Gaza threatens to spread across the Middle East, with America and Iran facing off in the background. The Ukraine war, Europe’s largest since 1945, shows no sign of ending. And Chinese jets and warships now menace Taiwan in growing numbers and with increasing frequency, with looming elections on the island likely to bring more tumult. Civil conflict in Mali, Myanmar and Sudan has worsened in recent weeks, too.

Read our coverage of the Israel-Hamas war and the Ukraine war

A concatenation of crises is hardly unprecedented. Sergey Radchenko, a historian, points to the examples of the Soviet invasion of Hungary and the Suez crisis overlapping in 1956, crises in Lebanon and the Taiwan Strait in 1958 and the tumultuous years of 1978-79, when the Chinese invasion of Vietnam, the Islamic revolution in Iran and the Soviet Union's invasion of Afghanistan unfolded in quick succession. In 1999 India and Pakistan, newly armed with nuclear missiles, waged a war over Kashmir while NATO bombed Serbian forces in Yugoslavia.

But America and its allies cannot intervene as easily or cheaply as they once did. Adversaries such as China and Russia are more assertive, and working more and more together. So too are non-aligned powers, including India and Turkey, which have growing clout to shape distant events and believe that a new and more favourable order is emerging. And the possibility of a war directly between major powers hangs over the world, forcing countries to keep one eye on the future even as they fight fires today.

Massively multiplayer game

The large powers are becoming more polarised on issues where they might once have pushed in the same direction. In the Middle East, for instance, Russia has moved closer to Hamas, tearing up years of careful diplomacy with Israel. China, which in past wars issued bland statements urging de-escalation, has exploited the crisis to criticise America's role in the region. With the exception of strongmen such as Viktor Orban, Hungary's leader, few Western countries talk to Russia any longer. And even dialogue with China is increasingly dominated by threats and warnings rather than by efforts to tackle joint problems like climate change. A meeting planned between Joe Biden and Xi Jinping in California on November 15th may prove a case in point, though there are rumblings of an agreement on military applications of artificial intelligence.

Another shift is growing convergence between America's adversaries. “There really is an axis that is emerging between Russia, China, North Korea and Iran, which rejects their version of the American-led international order," says Stephen Hadley. He served in America's national security council in the 1970s and the Pentagon in the 1980s before becoming national security adviser to George W. Bush in 2005. The war in Ukraine has cemented the partnership between Russia and China. It is not a formal alliance, but the two countries conducted their sixth joint bomber patrol in the western Pacific in the space of just over four years in June. They followed it up with a joint 13,000km naval patrol in the region in August. Iran and North Korea have both supplied Russia with weaponry in return for military technology. The result is greater entanglement. A crisis involving one enemy is increasingly likely to draw in another.

Moreover, each crisis not only involves more enemies, but also more players in general. The leaders of Australia, Japan, New Zealand and South Korea have all attended the past two NATO summits in Europe. Ukraine's counter-offensive this year could not have happened without an infusion of South Korean shells. Turkey has established itself as a key arms supplier throughout the region, reshaping conflicts in Libya, Syria and Azerbaijan with its military technology and advisers. European countries are planning more intensively how they might respond to a crisis over Taiwan. Crises thus have more moving parts to them.

That reflects a broader shift in the distribution of economic and political power. The idea of “multipolarity"—a term once confined to scholarship, and which refers to a world in which power is concentrated not in two places, as in the cold war, or in one, as in the American-dominated 1990s, but in several—has entered the diplomatic mainstream. In September, Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, India's foreign minister, noted that America, facing the “long-term consequences of Iraq and Afghanistan"—a nod to two failed wars—and relative economic decline, “is adjusting to a multipolar world".

The argument is debatable. In a recent essay, Jake Sullivan, America's national security adviser, argued that America is in a stronger position now than it was while mired in those wars. “If the United States were still fighting in Afghanistan," he wrote, “it is highly likely that Russia would be doing everything it could right now to help the Taliban pin Washington down there, preventing it from focusing its attention on helping Ukraine." That is plausible. But America's image is undoubtedly bruised.

A poll conducted in February by the European Council on Foreign Relations, a think-tank, found that more than 61% of Russians and Chinese, 51% of Turks and 48% of Indians expect a world defined by either multipolarity or Chinese dominance. In his final state-of-the-union speech in January 2016, Barack Obama, then America's president, insisted that on “every important international issue, people of the world do not look to Beijing or Moscow to lead—they call us." Seven years on, things are less clear-cut.

The result of all this is a sense of disorder. America and its allies see growing threats. Russia and China see opportunities. Middle powers, courted by larger ones, but concerned by the growing dysfunction of institutions like the World Trade Organisation and the United Nations, see both. “A kind of anarchy is creeping into international relations," wrote Shivshankar Menon, who served as India's foreign secretary and national security adviser, in an essay published last year. It was “not anarchy in the strict sense of the term," he explained, “but rather the absence of a central organising principle or hegemon."

That tendency has been compounded by several other trends. One is the climate crisis, which increases the risk of conflict in many parts of the world and, through the green transition, is creating new sources of competition, such as that for critical materials crucial for wind turbines and electric vehicles. The other is the accelerating pace of technological change, with artificial intelligence improving at an exponential rate and with unpredictable consequences. A third is globalisation, which knits crises together in new ways. A war over Taiwan, for instance, would cause acute disruption to the semiconductor industry and thus to the world economy.

The fourth is a rising tide of nationalism and populism, which infects attempts to solve all of these global problems. In a book published in 2021 Colin Kahl, who recently stepped down as the Pentagon's policy chief, and Thomas Wright, a senior official in Mr Biden's national security council, noted that international co-operation seized up during the covid-19 pandemic as countries rushed to close borders and shield themselves. “For all practical purposes the G7 ceased to exist," they noted. “Pandemic politics ultimately dealt the final blow to the old international order."

From dawn to dawn

The new world disorder is putting the institutional capacity of America and its allies under stress while stretching their military capabilities. Start by considering the institutional pressure. The cold war, Mr Hadley argues, was an “organised world". There were global challenges, he acknowledges, but many were subsets of the larger superpower struggle. “For post-cold-war national security advisers," he says, “it's more like cooking on an eight-burner stove with every burner having a pot, and every pot just about to boil over."

A world in which more crises occur together poses two sorts of challenges to the leaders and diplomats tasked with managing them. One is the tactical problem of fighting several fires at once. Crises tend to have a centralising effect, says a former senior British diplomat, with prime ministers or presidents taking personal charge of issues that might otherwise be scattered among foreign and defence ministries. Even in large and powerful states, bureaucratic bandwidth can be surprisingly limited.

Diplomats, immersed in crises, often perceive that their own times are unusually chaotic. Baroness Catherine Ashton, who was the European Union's de facto foreign minister from 2009 to 2014, points out that she was dealing with the Arab spring, Iran's nuclear programme and the Serbia-Kosovo dispute at the same time. “I can remember very clearly, when the Ukraine crisis began," she says, referring to a revolution in Kyiv in 2014, “that I just didn't know if we would have the bandwidth for all of this."

One issue is that competition has turned to conflict. The war in Ukraine has been especially debilitating for diplomacy. Baroness Ashton recalls that when the Ukraine crisis began in 2014, her negotiating team for nuclear talks with Iran in Vienna included Russia's deputy foreign minister. She would travel to Kyiv to condemn Russia's meddling and he to Moscow to condemn the European Union. “Then we'd fly back and all sit down and carry on with the Iran talks." Such fleet-footed compartmentalisation would now be impossible.

America's national security council is a bare-bones operation, in part because Congress is loth to fund White House staff. In an essay published in 2016, Julianne Smith, now America's envoy to NATO, recalled her time as deputy national security adviser to Mr Biden when he was vice-president. “A typical day would often involve four to six hours of back-to-back meetings on anything from Syria to cybersecurity to North Korea," followed by 150 to 500 emails per day. “My ability to plan, think beyond the next day in the office, or significantly deepen my knowledge of any single issue was virtually non-existent."

The expectation that top officials represent their country in a crisis often puts enormous pressure on a handful of people. Antony Blinken, America's secretary of state, has spent almost every waking hour shuttling between Middle Eastern capitals over the past six weeks. He recently flew from the Middle East to Tokyo, for a meeting of G7 foreign ministers, then to India, and on to San Francisco. Mr Sullivan is also spread thinly.

Of pens and swords

Even if diplomats can successfully spin multiple plates, the concurrence of crises presents a larger, strategic problem when it comes to military power. The current crisis in the Middle East shows that military power is a scarce resource—like diplomatic bandwidth. Even in recent years, Pentagon officials would boast that they were finally rebalancing naval power from the Middle East to Asia, after two decades of counterinsurgency in Afghanistan and Iraq. Now, under pressure of events, the trend is reversing.

When the USS Dwight D. Eisenhower and its escorts entered the Red Sea on November 4th it was the first time an American aircraft-carrier had operated in the Middle East for two years. The exercises it conducted earlier with the USS Gerald R. Ford marked an unusually large show of force. If the war in Gaza drags on or widens, American naval forces may need to choose between sticking around, creating gaps in other parts of the world, including Asia, or emboldening Iran.

Meanwhile, Western officials increasingly think the war in Ukraine could drag on for another five years, with neither Russia nor Ukraine prepared to give in, but neither capable of breaking the stalemate. As the 2020s roll on, the red lights begin to flash. Many American intelligence officials, and some Asian ones, believe that the risk of a Chinese attack on Taiwan is greatest in a window at the end of this decade. Too early, and China is not ready. Too late, and China faces the prospect of demographic decline and a new generation of Western military technology.

Even without a war, the West's military capacity will come under enormous pressure in the coming years. The war in Ukraine has been a reminder of both just how much ammunition is consumed in big wars, but also how meagre Western armouries—and their means of replenishment—really are. America is dramatically upping its production of 155mm artillery shells. Even then, its output in 2025 is likely to be lower than that of Russia in 2024.

The wars in Ukraine and Gaza illustrate these stresses. Israel and Ukraine are fighting two different sorts of war. Ukraine needs long-range missiles to strike Crimea, armoured vehicles to allow infantry to advance in the face of shrapnel, and demining gear to punch through vast minefields. Israel wants air-dropped smart bombs, including bunker busters, and interceptors for its Iron Dome air-defence system, which are being fired at a prodigious rate. But there is overlap, too.

Last year America dipped into its stockpile of shells in Israel to arm Ukraine. In October it had to divert some Ukraine-bound shells to Israel. Both countries also use the Patriot missile-defence system, which takes out planes and larger missiles. So too do other allies in the Middle East: on October 19th Saudi Arabia used a Patriot battery to intercept Israel-bound missiles launched from Yemen. Ukraine's consumption of interceptors is likely to rise sharply over the winter as Russia, having stockpiled missiles for months, unleashes sustained barrages against Ukraine's power grid.

America can probably satisfy both of its friends for the moment. In recent weeks, France and Germany have both pledged to increase assistance to Ukraine. But if either war—or both—drags on, there will be a pinch. “As time goes on, there will be trade-offs as certain key systems are diverted to Israel," writes Mark Cancian of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, a think-tank in Washington. “A few systems that Ukraine needs for its counter-offensive may not be available in the numbers that Ukraine would like."

The bigger problem is that, realistically, America could not arm itself and its allies at the same time. “If US production lines are already struggling to keep pace with the exigencies of arming Ukraine," notes Iskander Rehman of Johns Hopkins University in a recent paper on protracted wars, “they would be completely overwhelmed in the event of an actual protracted, peer-to-peer conflict with an adversary such as China."

These challenges point to deeper tensions in American defence strategy. From 1992 onward American military planners held to what was known as the “two-war" standard. America's armed forces had to be ready to fight two simultaneous medium-sized wars against regional powers—think Iraq or Iran—rather than simply a single big war. In 2018 the Trump administration changed this to a “one-war" standard: in practice, a commitment to be able to fight either a war in Europe or in Asia, but not both at the same time. Mr Biden's administration stuck with this approach.

The aim was to instil discipline in the Pentagon and to bring ends in line with means: America's defence budget is virtually flat in real terms, while Chinese defence spending has soared. But the risk, argued critics, was that the one-war standard would tempt enemies to open a second front—which could then force America to either back down or resort to unappealing options, like nuclear threats.

Too many plates

What risks do America and its allies run by being so stretched across diplomatic and military realms? If the war in Ukraine stays an open sore in Europe and the Middle East remains ablaze, the West will struggle gravely should another serious crisis erupt. One risk is that adversaries simply capitalise on chaos elsewhere for their own ends. If America were bogged down in a Pacific war, for instance, Iran would surely feel more confident of getting away with a dash for nuclear weapons.

Even more worrying is the prospect of active collusion. European military planners give weight to the possibility that Russia might conduct menacing manoeuvres during a crisis over Taiwan in order to divert American attention and tie down its allies, preventing them from lending a hand in Asia. As in the cold war, each crisis, no matter how parochial or trivial, might come to be seen as a test of American or Chinese power, drawing each country in.

Then there are the surprises. Western intelligence agencies have their hands full watching China and Russia. Few expected Hamas to throw the Middle East back into turmoil as it did on October 7th. Civil wars and insurgencies in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Mali, Myanmar, Somalia and Sudan have all been neglected, diplomatically, even as Russian influence in the Sahel continues to grow. Meanwhile on November 10th dozens of Chinese ships circled Philippine vessels, blasting one with water cannon, as the latter attempted to resupply an outpost on Second Thomas Shoal in the South China Sea, which China claims as its own. If the confrontations worsen, the terms of America's defence treaty with the Philippines may oblige it to intervene.

Amid disorder, strategists talk about the importance of “walking and chewing gum". It is a uniquely American metaphor that once referred to performing two trivial activities at once, and now explains the importance of geopolitical multi-tasking. Others are available. In his forthcoming book, “To Run the World", Mr Radchenko, the historian, quotes Zhou Enlai, China's premier, identifying America's predicament in 1964: “If there were just a few more Congos in Africa, a few more Vietnams in Asia, a few more Cubas in Latin America, then America would have to spread ten fingers to ten more places…we can chop them off one by one."

© 2023, The Economist Newspaper Limited. All rights reserved. From The Economist, published under licence. The original content can be found on www.economist.com

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Russia cannot participate as country

Posted By: Vanshika Pathak Posted On: Oct 13, 2023
Russia's National Olympic Committee on October 12, 2023 denounced a decision by the IOC to suspend it in response to its move to incorporate sports bodies from occupied Ukrainian regions. (AFP)

The International Olympic Committee (IOC) on Friday clarified on the suspension of Russian Olympic body and said that individuals who have Russian passport can participate, however, Russia as a country will not be allowed to participate in the Olympic games.

"We will allow individual players with Russian passports. This means that they can participate in the Gamers on their own, but there will be no participation of Russia as a country. These will be neutral individual participations":. said IOC President Thomas Bach for 2028 Los Angeles Olympics.

The clarification was announced after the ongoing Executive Board meeting of the International Olympic Committee (IOC) in Mumbai entered into its second day on Friday.

On Thursday, the Executive Board of the IOC decided to suspend the Russian Olympic Committee (ROC) with immediate effect. The decision was taken after the ROC decided to include the regional sports organisation of Ukraine (Donetsk, Kherson, Luhansk and Zaporizhzhia) as its member, as per the IOC.

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The ROC will no longer be entitled to operate as a National Olympic Committee. The IOC reserves the right to decide on the participation of individual neutral athletes with Russian passports at the Paris Olympics 2022.

The IOC took the decision citing violation of the territorial integrity of Ukraine's membership by recognizing illegally annexed territories. The move comes after the Russian Olympic Committee recognised regional organisations from four Ukrainian territories annexed since the invasion began in 2022.

Athletes from Russia and Belarus have been banned from track and field competition by World Athletics "for the foreseeable future" since Moscow's invasion but other sports have dropped or loosened bans.

Highlighting the volatility of the situation, European football governing body UEFA this week reversed direction and dropped plans announced last month to readmit Russian Under-17 teams into the youth European Championship.

(With agency inputs)

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World Israel prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Thursday thanked US Secretary of State Antony Blinken for United States' support to the country in the war against terror group Hamas saying that his visit is a tangible example of America's unequivocal support in the time where they should stand tall, proud and united against the sheer evil.
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Latest News Humans of Bombay (HOB) recently filed a case in Delhi High Court against People of India (POI) over protecting their intellectual property. The platform's founder Karishma Mehta has now taken to Instagram to address the controversy around the case and also inform that the court has ‘upheld their contentions'.
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Life Style In a world where traditional work norms and relentless work hours have been the norm, a new trend is emerging that challenges these conventions and is poised to reshape India's workforce. Dubbed the “lazy girl job,” this trend champions work-life balance, defying the old paradigm of relentless work hours and potential burnouts. It has the potential to not only change the way we work but also transform gender inclusion and the gig economy.
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Latest News A video capturing impatient passengers rushing to enter a train through a narrow opening of the door, each vying for a coveted spot inside, was shared online. The video was posted on Reddit with a caption that reads, “Automatic door in Mumbai trains.” The clip shows how the passengers hurled themselves through the half-open doors.
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Latest News Ultra-luxury brands "play you," according to Nikhil Kamath. Ultra-luxury brands "play you," according to Nikhil Kamath. Ultra-luxury brands "play you," according to Nikhil Kamath. Ultra-luxury brands "play you," according to Nikhil Kamath. Ultra-luxury brands "play you," according to Nikhil Kamath.
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World Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Thursday alleged babies were murdered and burned by Hamas terrorists during their onslaught against Israel. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Thursday alleged babies were murdered and burned by Hamas terrorists during their onslaught against Israel.
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World Darryl George,18, a black junior student at Barbers Hill High School in Mont Belvieu, Texas was suspended from his school over his dreadlocks hairstyle. Darryl George,18, a black junior student at Barbers Hill High School in Mont Belvieu, Texas was suspended from his school over his dreadlocks hairstyle.
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Technology The Meta-owned instant messaging application WhatsApp is reportedly planning to roll out a revamped interface by introducing new colours and icons. The Meta-owned instant messaging application WhatsApp is reportedly planning to roll out a revamped interface by introducing new colours and icons.